Voto disgiunto e forme di rappresentanza. Carl Schmitt e la battaglia culturale del premierato
The wording of the constitutional reform that introduces the direct election of the Prime Minister, as presented by the government to the Italian Senate in November 2023, does not appear to refer to any explicit constitutional or ideological models, aside from the general intention of strengthening...
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| Julkaisussa: | URI:https://journals.openedition.org/tp, |
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| Päätekijä: | |
| Aineistotyyppi: | Article ou chapitre numérique |
| Kieli: | Italien |
| Julkaistu: |
Teoria politica
2026
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| Aiheet: | |
| Linkit: | Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM |
| Yhteenveto: | The wording of the constitutional reform that introduces the direct election of the Prime Minister, as presented by the government to the Italian Senate in November 2023, does not appear to refer to any explicit constitutional or ideological models, aside from the general intention of strengthening the institutional position of the head of government. This essay highlights certain ideological similarities in the decisionist vocabulary of the proposal by comparing it with some well-known writings by Carl Schmitt on the subject of prime ministerial government. A crucial aspect of evaluating the proposal’s conceptual framework is the introduction of split voting for the election of the Parliament and the Prime Minister separately. It is therefore a hybrid model that introduces a presidential figure without altering the parliamentary structure of the government. It must be interpreted as based on a dual form of political representation, as elaborated by Schmitt in his Verfassungslehre (1928). The legislature is responsible for the general representation of the parties, while the prime minister’s superior and dominant position recalls an especially intense form of representation. Schmitt defines this as «absolute representation» because it symbolises the fundamental unity of the nation, as demonstrated through the leader’s charismatic investiture. The text hypothesises that the implicit shift between the two meanings of «representation» lies at the heart of a far-reaching cultural policy operation, in which intervention in the balance of state powers takes on symbolic significance. The premiership is at the centre of a battle that aims, above all, to undermine the constitutional culture that was forged in Italy during the second half of the last century. |
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