NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions
After sifting through the various arguments on the trade-environment nexus, I argue that an underrated positive feature on NAFTA (1994) and other recent U.S. bi- or multilateral trade agreements with developing countries, is creation of specific mechanisms to promote democratic environmental governa...
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| Yayımlandı: | URI:https://journals.openedition.org/ideas, |
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| Materyal Türü: | Article ou chapitre numérique |
| Dil: | Français |
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IdeAs
2011
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| Online Erişim: | Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM |
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openedition-oai:revues.org:ideas_73 |
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openedition |
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openedition-oai:revues.org:ideas_73 https://doi.org/10.4000/ideas.73 urn:doi:10.4000/ideas.73 fr https://journals.openedition.org/ideas/73 2011-09-09T02:00:00Z info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess article info:eu-repo/semantics/article urn:handle:20.500.13089/gup5 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions IdeAs Institut des Amériques info:eu-repo/semantics/reference/issn/1950-5701 URI:https://journals.openedition.org/ideas Baver, Sherrie NAFTA CAFTA Mexico institutions international trade environmental democracy ALENA ALEAC démocratie environnementale Mexique institutions commerce international TLCAN CAFTA democracia ambiental Mexico comercio internacional instituciones After sifting through the various arguments on the trade-environment nexus, I argue that an underrated positive feature on NAFTA (1994) and other recent U.S. bi- or multilateral trade agreements with developing countries, is creation of specific mechanisms to promote democratic environmental governance and environmental protection. While these formal institutions have not shown great autonomy and capacity to date, they provide one of several levers for domestic and transnational civil society groups and networks to enshrine a role for citizen participation in environmental decisionmaking at multiple levels of governance. They also may promote positive corporate behavior in less-developed economies. While the major case study focuses on Mexico and NAFTA, insights may also apply to other Latin American cases e.g. CAFTA-DR, and Chile. Tras analizar en detalle los diferentes planteamientos sobre el vínculo entre comercio y medio ambiente, la autora sostiene que una característica positiva subestimada del TLCAN (1994) y otros acuerdos comerciales estadounidenses recientes, bilaterales o multilaterales, firmados con países en desarrollo, es la creación de mecanismos específicos destinados a promocionar una gobernanza medioambiental democrática, así como la protección del medio ambiente. Pese a que estas instituciones formales no han dado hasta la fecha grandes muestras de autonomía y capacidad, sí constituyen uno de los diversos incentivos que poseen los grupos y redes nacionales y transnacionales de la sociedad civil para confirmar el papel de la participación ciudadana en la toma de decisiones medioambientales en los distintos niveles de gobernanza. Dichas instituciones también pueden favorecer comportamientos empresariales positivos en las economías menos desarrolladas. Pese a que el principal estudio de casos se refiere a México y al TLCAN, debe atenderse igualmente a la contribución de otras experiencias en América Latina, como la del CAFTA-DR o Chile. Après avoir fait la part des différents arguments en présence concernant les liens entre commerce et environnement, je soutiens que l’un des aspects positifs, quoique sous-estimé, de l’ALENA (créée en 1994) et d’autres accords commerciaux récents – bi- ou multilatéraux – entre les Etats-Unis et certains pays en voie de développement, est la création de mécanismes spécifiques visant à promouvoir la gouvernance environnementale et démocratique, ainsi que la protection de l’environnement. Bien que ces institutions formelles n’aient pas fait preuve, à ce jour, d’une grande autonomie ni d’une considérable efficacité, elles fournissent néanmoins aux groupes et réseaux domestiques et transnationaux de la société civile l’un des divers moyens d’affermir le rôle du citoyen dans la participation aux prises de décision environnementales, et ce à de multiples niveaux de la gouvernance. Elles peuvent également promouvoir un comportement d’entreprise positif dans les économies moins développées. Bien que les principales études de cas soient dévolues au Mexique et à l’ALENA, ces analyses peuvent également s’appliquer à d’autres pays d’Amérique Latine, comme ceux de l’ALEAC-RD et le Chili. |
| collection |
OpenEdition Journal |
| language |
Français |
| format |
Article ou chapitre numérique |
| building |
0/Bibliothèque numérique/ 1/Bibliothèque numérique/OpenEdition Journals/ |
| topic |
NAFTA CAFTA Mexico institutions international trade environmental democracy ALENA ALEAC démocratie environnementale Mexique institutions commerce international TLCAN CAFTA democracia ambiental Mexico comercio internacional instituciones |
| spellingShingle |
NAFTA CAFTA Mexico institutions international trade environmental democracy ALENA ALEAC démocratie environnementale Mexique institutions commerce international TLCAN CAFTA democracia ambiental Mexico comercio internacional instituciones Baver, Sherrie NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| description |
After sifting through the various arguments on the trade-environment nexus, I argue that an underrated positive feature on NAFTA (1994) and other recent U.S. bi- or multilateral trade agreements with developing countries, is creation of specific mechanisms to promote democratic environmental governance and environmental protection. While these formal institutions have not shown great autonomy and capacity to date, they provide one of several levers for domestic and transnational civil society groups and networks to enshrine a role for citizen participation in environmental decisionmaking at multiple levels of governance. They also may promote positive corporate behavior in less-developed economies. While the major case study focuses on Mexico and NAFTA, insights may also apply to other Latin American cases e.g. CAFTA-DR, and Chile. |
| author |
Baver, Sherrie |
| author_facet |
Baver, Sherrie |
| author_sort |
Baver, Sherrie |
| title |
NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| title_short |
NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| title_full |
NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| title_fullStr |
NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| title_full_unstemmed |
NAFTA, CAFTA and the Environment: The Role of Institutions |
| title_sort |
nafta, cafta and the environment: the role of institutions |
| publisher |
IdeAs |
| publishDate |
2011 |
| container_title |
URI:https://journals.openedition.org/ideas |
| url |
https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://doi.org/10.4000/ideas.73 https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://journals.openedition.org/ideas/73 |
| _version_ |
1877244052888354816 |