Yes/no and Wh-Questions in Ǹjò̩-Kóo : A Unified Analysis

Yes/no and Wh-Questions in Ǹjò̩-Kóo : A Unified Analysis

Cet article, s’inscrit dans le cadre minimaliste de la syntaxe générative et étudie oui / non et wh-questions dans la langue Ǹjò̩-kóo (Benue-Congo), parlée dans l’état de Ondo au Nigeria. On observe que la particule interrogative pour des questions de type oui / non qui suit systématiquement le suje...

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Xehetasun bibliografikoak
Argitaratua izan da:URI:https://journals.openedition.org/corela,
Egile nagusia: Olaogun, Simeon
Formatua: Article ou chapitre numérique
Argitaratua: Corela 2018
Gaiak:
Propriété morphosyntaxique
Phrase complimenteur
Armature minimal
Ǹjò̩-kóo. Structure d’information évidence
Clause typing.
Two main cross-linguistic claims are often made with regard to question formation in language
namely
that yes/no questions and wh-questions involve different syntactic derivations even though they may appear to have in common
some morphosyntactic properties such as the presence of a question particle
auxiliary insertion
or word order alternation
and that wh-questions are clause-typed by the movement of the wh-phrase to the Spec of complementizer phrase. This paper
adopting the minimalist framework of generative syntax
investigates yes/no and wh-questions in Ǹjò̩-kóo
and observes that the yes/no question particle that consistently follows the subject DP in yes/no question clause in the language is also found in wh-questions. This being the case
the paper argues that yes/no and wh-questions are projected by the same functional head Inter˚
and that wh-words do not participate in typing wh-clauses as interrogative. The paper
leaning on clause typing and information structure evidence
concludes that the movement of wh-elements to the clause initial position in wh-movement languages is never for interrogation but rather for focus purposes.
Sarrera elektronikoa:Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM
Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM

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