The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony
The article examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by the free mobility of labour and de-industrialisation. While there is a growing bo...
Gorde:
| Argitaratua izan da: | URI:https://journals.openedition.org/angles, |
|---|---|
| Egile nagusia: | |
| Formatua: | Article ou chapitre numérique |
| Hizkuntza: | Anglais |
| Argitaratua: |
Angles
2022
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| Gaiak: | |
| Sarrera elektronikoa: | Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM |
| id |
openedition-oai:revues.org:angles_5588 |
|---|---|
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openedition |
| collection |
OpenEdition Journal |
| language |
Anglais |
| format |
Article ou chapitre numérique |
| building |
0/Bibliothèque numérique/ 1/Bibliothèque numérique/OpenEdition Journals/ |
| topic |
politique identité Grande-Bretagne politique publique Brexit Mur Rouge (Red Wall) conservatisme classe ouvrière reconnaissance redistribution communication politique hégémonie élections Parti conservateur politique identitaire Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Borisen politics identity Brexit Great Britain Red Wall conservatism working class recognition redistribution statecraft political communication hegemony elections Conservative Party identity politics Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Boris |
| spellingShingle |
politique identité Grande-Bretagne politique publique Brexit Mur Rouge (Red Wall) conservatisme classe ouvrière reconnaissance redistribution communication politique hégémonie élections Parti conservateur politique identitaire Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Borisen politics identity Brexit Great Britain Red Wall conservatism working class recognition redistribution statecraft political communication hegemony elections Conservative Party identity politics Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Boris Maronitis, Kostas The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| description |
The article examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by the free mobility of labour and de-industrialisation. While there is a growing body of literature that examines the continuous adaptability of the Conservatives to electoral challenges as well as to meeting social, cultural, and economic anxieties via the concepts of statecraft and the de-alignment of the British electorate, there is little published as to how the construction of a new collective identity — that of the “Red Wall” — has reinforced the hegemony of the Conservative party. The article makes three different yet interconnected arguments. First, the Conservative campaign and governing needs to be contextualised within the debate on the recognition of identity and re-distribution of wealth. Second, the “Red Wall” did not pre-exist political campaigns and respective policies but instead has been constructed and communicated to solidify a new conservative hegemony. Third, the “Red Wall” is part of a political-communicative tactic of constructing collective identities based on cultural stereotypes, location and professional occupation in line with Margaret Thatcher’s “Essex Man” and Tony Blair’s “Mondeo Man” for indicating ideological shifts and electoral trends. |
| author |
Maronitis, Kostas |
| author_facet |
Maronitis, Kostas |
| author_sort |
Maronitis, Kostas |
| title |
The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| title_short |
The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| title_full |
The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| title_fullStr |
The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| title_full_unstemmed |
The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony |
| title_sort |
people’s priorities: recognition, redistribution and conservative hegemony |
| publisher |
Angles |
| publishDate |
2022 |
| container_title |
URI:https://journals.openedition.org/angles |
| url |
https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://doi.org/10.4000/angles.5588 https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://journals.openedition.org/angles/5588 |
| _version_ |
1877293175359406080 |
| spelling |
openedition-oai:revues.org:angles_5588 https://doi.org/10.4000/angles.5588 urn:doi:10.4000/angles.5588 en https://journals.openedition.org/angles/5588 2022-05-27T02:00:00Z info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess article info:eu-repo/semantics/article urn:handle:20.500.13089/9n1z https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ The People’s Priorities: Recognition, Redistribution and Conservative Hegemony Angles Société des Anglicistes de l'Enseignement Supérieur info:eu-repo/semantics/reference/issn/2274-2042 URI:https://journals.openedition.org/angles Maronitis, Kostas politique identité Grande-Bretagne politique publique Brexit Mur Rouge (Red Wall) conservatisme classe ouvrière reconnaissance redistribution communication politique hégémonie élections Parti conservateur politique identitaire Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Borisen politics identity Brexit Great Britain Red Wall conservatism working class recognition redistribution statecraft political communication hegemony elections Conservative Party identity politics Thatcher Margaret Blair Tony Johnson Boris The article examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by the free mobility of labour and de-industrialisation. While there is a growing body of literature that examines the continuous adaptability of the Conservatives to electoral challenges as well as to meeting social, cultural, and economic anxieties via the concepts of statecraft and the de-alignment of the British electorate, there is little published as to how the construction of a new collective identity — that of the “Red Wall” — has reinforced the hegemony of the Conservative party. The article makes three different yet interconnected arguments. First, the Conservative campaign and governing needs to be contextualised within the debate on the recognition of identity and re-distribution of wealth. Second, the “Red Wall” did not pre-exist political campaigns and respective policies but instead has been constructed and communicated to solidify a new conservative hegemony. Third, the “Red Wall” is part of a political-communicative tactic of constructing collective identities based on cultural stereotypes, location and professional occupation in line with Margaret Thatcher’s “Essex Man” and Tony Blair’s “Mondeo Man” for indicating ideological shifts and electoral trends. L’article examine l’émergence du « Mur Rouge » (Red Wall) en tant que terme descriptif utilisé pour expliquer l’effondrement électoral du Parti travailliste et la nouvelle orientation du Parti conservateur comme parti des laissés-pour-compte de la liberté de circulation des travailleurs et de la désindustrialisation. Alors que de plus en plus d’ouvrages examinent l’adaptabilité continue des conservateurs aux défis électoraux ainsi qu’aux préoccupations d’ordre social, culturel et économique par le biais des concepts de communication politique et de désalignement de l’électorat britannique, peu d’ouvrages ont été publiés sur la manière dont la construction d’une nouvelle identité collective — celle du « mur rouge » désignant les régions désindustrialisées anciennement acquises au Parti travailliste — a renforcé l’hégémonie du Parti conservateur. L’article présente trois arguments différents mais néanmoins étroitement liés. Premièrement, la campagne et le gouvernement conservateurs doivent être contextualisés dans le cadre du débat sur la reconnaissance de l’identité et la redistribution des richesses. Deuxièmement, le « Mur Rouge » n’a pas préexisté aux campagnes politiques et aux politiques respectives, mais a été construit et présenté afin de consolider une nouvelle hégémonie conservatrice. Troisièmement, le « Mur Rouge » fait partie d’une tactique politique de communication visant la construction d’identités collectives basées sur des stéréotypes culturels, sur le lieu et l’occupation professionnelle, dans la lignée d’autres constructions comme « l’homme Essex » de Margaret Thatcher ou « l’homme Mondeo » de Tony Blair (désignant ainsi le citoyen lambda de classe moyenne) pour indiquer les changements idéologiques et les tendances électorales. |