David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages

David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages

The German historiography of the Third Reich has long been influenced by violent political debates over notions of individual and collective responsibility with regards to the Nazi past and Nazi crimes. For decades, fundamental research in German tried to understand the nature of Fascism in light of...

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Autor Principal: Herf, Jeffrey
Formato: Article ou chapitre numérique
Idioma:Français
Publicado: 2016
Acceso en liña:Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM
Accès Université d'Orléans et IFPM
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spelling cairn-RHSHO_205_0601aRHSHORevue d’Histoire de la Shoah https://shs.cairn.info/revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah-2016-2-page-601a?lang=fr https://doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.205.0601a David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages Herf, Jeffrey2016 fre Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah | 205 | 2 | 2016-10-12 | p. 601a-614a | 2111-885X RHSHO_20512 The German historiography of the Third Reich has long been influenced by violent political debates over notions of individual and collective responsibility with regards to the Nazi past and Nazi crimes. For decades, fundamental research in German tried to understand the nature of Fascism in light of the political categories of fascism and totalitarianisms, thereby relegating the Holocaust to the margins of their thinking. The Holocaust phenomenon was never silenced nor minimized. It was described as a kind of barbaric violence, one of the many kinds of violence committed by the regime. The Holocaust was examined and understood in its specificity. At the end of the Cold War, the historiographic context changed completely with the partial opening of the Soviet archives. From the 1990s onwards, many German-speaking historians and researchers have taken advantage of this new source of documents to help rewrite the history of the Holocaust, highlighting the extermination methods used in the Eastern European territories where the majority of the victims were killed. They have also stressed the close correlations between the responsibility of the German central government and that of other authorities and between the German occupants and the local collaborators. There has been a proliferation of studies. Oftentimes they are very detailed and cover specific regions of Eastern Europe or the lives of minor or major subordinates. Today this work must be translated into other languages in order to be completely understood and, above all, fully integrated into the broader narrative of the Holocaust. Such a narrative would be able to take into account Saul Friedländer’s urging for an “integral history” in which the perspective of the victims can confront the more traditional, frequently heard perspective of the persecutors.Cairn free access
language Français
format Article ou chapitre numérique
building 0/Bibliothèque numérique/
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description The German historiography of the Third Reich has long been influenced by violent political debates over notions of individual and collective responsibility with regards to the Nazi past and Nazi crimes. For decades, fundamental research in German tried to understand the nature of Fascism in light of the political categories of fascism and totalitarianisms, thereby relegating the Holocaust to the margins of their thinking. The Holocaust phenomenon was never silenced nor minimized. It was described as a kind of barbaric violence, one of the many kinds of violence committed by the regime. The Holocaust was examined and understood in its specificity. At the end of the Cold War, the historiographic context changed completely with the partial opening of the Soviet archives. From the 1990s onwards, many German-speaking historians and researchers have taken advantage of this new source of documents to help rewrite the history of the Holocaust, highlighting the extermination methods used in the Eastern European territories where the majority of the victims were killed. They have also stressed the close correlations between the responsibility of the German central government and that of other authorities and between the German occupants and the local collaborators. There has been a proliferation of studies. Oftentimes they are very detailed and cover specific regions of Eastern Europe or the lives of minor or major subordinates. Today this work must be translated into other languages in order to be completely understood and, above all, fully integrated into the broader narrative of the Holocaust. Such a narrative would be able to take into account Saul Friedländer’s urging for an “integral history” in which the perspective of the victims can confront the more traditional, frequently heard perspective of the persecutors.
author Herf, Jeffrey
spellingShingle Herf, Jeffrey
David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
author_facet Herf, Jeffrey
author_sort Herf, Jeffrey
title David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
title_short David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
title_full David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
title_fullStr David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
title_full_unstemmed David MOTADEL, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War, Cambridge (MA), Harvard University Press, 2014, 500 pages
title_sort david motadel, islam and nazi germany’s war, cambridge (ma), harvard university press, 2014, 500 pages
publishDate 2016
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url https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://shs.cairn.info/revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah-2016-2-page-601a?lang=fr
https://ezproxy.univ-orleans.fr/login?url=https://doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.205.0601a
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